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Myanmar: Ethnic Armed Conflict and Territorial Administration in Myanmar [EN/MY]

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

By Kim Joliffe

The Asia Foundation carried out research in 2015 to examine and compare de jure and de facto administration systems in Myanmar’s conflict affected areas, and how they relate to long-held disputes over constitutional arrangements for subnational governance. This report seeks to provide a better understanding of the complex political geography in contested areas, and highlights how challenging it will be to achieve a political solution to conflict. This is of particular importance to international actors, given the heightened interest in supporting the peace process and increasing levels of humanitarian and development assistance to conflict-affected areas.


Myanmar: Schooling and Conflict: Ethnic Education and Mother Tongue-based Teaching in Myanmar [EN/MY]

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

By Ashley South and Marie Lall

Education and language policies and practices are at the heart of ethnic conflicts in Myanmar. For decades, the state has emphasized a centralized, Myanmar language only education system that many ethnic groups felt provided no place for their own languages to be practiced which by extension, threatened their cultures and ethnic identities. The country’s democratic transition of the past few years, however, has enabled issues of mother tongue-based education (MTB) to be discussed more openly, and growing acceptance of decentralization within the government at all levels and among the wider public is providing an opening for consideration of how MTB education can be productively integrated into the education system. In this context, The Foundation is pleased to present this research report on the state of MTB education in contested areas in Myanmar, specifically in the Kachin, Mon and Karen context, by Ashley South and Marie Lall who have long been engaged in researching this important topic.

Myanmar: Achieving Health Equity in Contested Areas of Southeast Myanmar [EN/MY]

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

Preface

In many of Myanmar’s contested regions, healthcare services are provided through two parallel governance systems – by the government’s Ministry of Health, and by providers linked to ethnic armed organizations. Building upon efforts to build trust between these two actors following ceasefires signed in 2011 and 2012, the new National League for Democracy-led government offers an unprecedented opportunity to increase cooperation between these systems and to ensure health services reach Myanmar’s most vulnerable populations.

In view of this, The Asia Foundation is pleased to present this research report on health equity and healthcare provision in Myanmar’s contested regions. The report provides an overview of existing health service arrangements in these areas, from both the Ministry of Health and from ethnic and community-based health organizations. It then unpacks the concept of “convergence”, highlighting key opportunities and policy recommendations for both government and non-government actors.

The key message here is that given the reality of parallel service systems, and the likelihood that they will remain in place for quite some time, the focus of all involved should be to carefully and patiently support greater coordination and cooperation between them to build both trust and viability for the challenging convergence process over time. In particular, attention must be paid to ensure that the political demands of the peace process and any related timelines do not undermine the goal of healthcare equity. We hope that this report will contribute to the ongoing discussion of the complex set of issues that must be considered to achieve durable peace.

This research paper is authored by Dr. Bill Davis and Mr. Kim Jolliffe, independent researchers based in Myanmar. Bill Davis specializes in public health, while Kim Jolliffe works on security, aid policy, and ethnic conflict. The report was generously funded by the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT).

The opinions expressed in this report are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of DFAT, DFID, or The Asia Foundation.

Dr. Kim N. B. Ninh

Country Representative

The Asia Foundation

Myanmar: Militias in Myanmar

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

Preface

Understanding the history and role of militias in Myanmar’s armed conflicts is a critical element in the country’s ongoing peace process, but the study of these groups has generally been neglected, relative to the analysis of the military (Tatmadaw) and ethnic armed groups. Militias take many different forms in Myanmar, varying in size, allegiances and modes of operation. Though estimates of their numbers vary, all indications are that militia groups are present throughout conflict-affected parts the country, and can be highly influential armed actors in their areas of operation.

In light of this situation, The Asia Foundation is pleased to present this research report on Myanmar’s militias. It provides the historical background and evolution of militias over time, offers a typology of the different types of militias operating in the country, and reflects on their contemporary role. Given the militias’ longstanding existence and their varied allegiances, how they will be taken into account in the peace process needs to be considered by both national and international actors working to support a durable peace in Myanmar. In concluding, the author also draws on examples of peacebuilding in other countries, to better illustrate some of the challenges that may arise in addressing the role of militias as the peace process moves forward. We hope that this report will provide a useful contribution to illuminate a lesser known but important piece of the complex conflict situation in Myanmar.

This research paper is authored by Mr. John Buchanan, an independent researcher and doctoral candidate at the University of Washington, who specializes in civil conflict, state formation, and the politics of Southeast Asia. The report was generously funded by the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID). The opinions expressed in this report are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of DFID or The Asia Foundation.

Dr. Kim N. B. Ninh

Country Representative

The Asia Foundation

Myanmar: Strength in Diversity: Towards Universal Education in Myanmar's Ethnic Areas

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

By Kim Jolliffe and Emily Speers Mears

Preface With many of the decades-long conflicts affecting areas of Myanmar still ongoing, parallel governance systems have been developed by ethnic armed groups and their affiliated organizations to provide vital services to impacted communities. The delivery of basic education by ethnic groups is one such critical social service reaching an underserved and vulnerable population of children and youths.
While still small compared to other countries in the region, government spending on education has significantly risen in recent years and with new ceasefires in place, the Ministry of Education has been able to expand its provisions to previously inaccessible areas. However, the growth and expansion of government services into the conflict-affected areas also generates political and administrative concerns from ethnic groups. The reality is that parallel systems will remain for the foreseeable future, and there is a need to recognize the diversity in the delivery of education and complementarity with the parallel systems of government and ethnic groups. This paper is a part of the research project “Social Services in Contested Areas” which undertakes the study of governance structures of non-state disputed territories and its interaction with parallel state structures and services.

The Asia Foundation is pleased to present this research on basic education in eastern Myanmar. This study details the role and operations of non-state education providers in ethnic areas, specifically Mon,
Shan and Karen States, and the interface with state education. This paper terms education providers connected to ethnic armed groups, and other community-based providers, as ethnic basic education providers (EBEPs), which have been providing vital pre-tertiary education services to conflict-affected communities. Given the political grievances arising out of the Burmanization of government education in the past, as well as the inaccessibility of state services in some of these areas, EBEPs have filled a significant gap and have been educating youths that live daily with conflicts and are at risk of hindered educational development. Valuing a diverse education sector and recognizing existing providers as important partners, will not only contribute to universal education goals and ensure access for all, but is a durable component of a successful peace process. We hope that this report will contribute to ongoing discussions of critical governance and reform issues that are cornerstone to Myanmar’s transition and peace process.

This research paper is authored by independent researchers, Mr. Kim Jolliffe and Ms. Emily Speers Mears. Kim Jolliffe specializes in areas of security, ethnic conflict and aid policy, while Emily Speers Mears works in conflict and education. The report was generously funded by the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID) and the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). The opinions expressed in this report are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of DFID, DFAT or The Asia Foundation.

Dr. Kim N.B. Ninh
Country Representative The Asia Foundation Myanmar

Myanmar: Women’s Political Participation in Myanmar: Experiences of Women Parliamentarians 2011-2016 [EN/MY]

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

By Shwe Shwe Sein Latt, Kim N. B. Ninh, Mi Ki Kyaw Myint and Susan Lee

Sixty years of military rule in Myanmar has seen the critical role of women’s political participation marginalized. From an extremely low base, the 2010 general elections increased the opportunity for women’s participation in governance. The 2015 general elections presented another opportunity for a more inclusive representational government, and Myanmar saw a significant increase in the number of women parliamentarians. However, there remain substantial challenges to addressing the gender gap in political participation in Myanmar. Given the nascent but evolving context for women’s political participation in Myanmar, The Asia Foundation thought that it would be useful to document the experiences of the first generation of women parliamentarians to understand better their motivations and the challenges they face. We hope that the insights that they have about their own situations and what can be improved will be useful for the next generation of women’s parliamentarians as well as informing relevant support provided by government, political parties, and civil society organizations to increase gender equality in Myanmar.

Myanmar: Parliamentary Development in Myanmar: An Overview of the Union Parliament, 2011-2016 [EN/MY]

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

By Renaud Egreteau

This report reviews the organizational structure and functioning and legislative performance of the Union Parliament since 2011, and compares the two legislatures elected in 2010 (Union Solidarity and Development Party) and 2015 (National League for Democracy). Currently, the legislature’s ability to direct policymaking is weak, and its understanding of vetting mechanisms also needs to be strengthened. For Myanmar to move away from the remnants of executive dominance and top-down directives in order to deepen the democratization process, the Union Parliament must play a central role and its institutions must be strengthened to do so. Despite the numerous challenges facing the Union Parliament and the inexperience of many of its members, the Union Parliament has surprised many domestic and international observers with its active legislative agenda and open discussion of issues once untouchable. It is a critical moment to provide support to Parliament to further reform its institutions and practices and build its capacity to become a genuinely professional and independent legislative body. We hope this research will contribute to the ongoing public discourse in Myanmar on parliamentary development and democratic transition.

World: The State of Conflict and Violence in Asia

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Mongolia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Timor-Leste, World

The State of Conflict and Violence in Asia: Five Surprising Takeaways

The Asia Foundation just-released The State of Conflict and Violence in Asia, a new book detailing the levels and impacts of violence in 14 Asian countries. _In Asia_‘s editor asked the research team what surprised them most. [Watch the launch presentation of the report in Washington, D.C.]

Gender-based violence kills more women than armed conflict

The State of Conflict and Violence in Asia paints a bleak picture when it comes to violence against women. Surveys indicate that over half of female respondents in Afghanistan and Timor-Leste, and three-quarters in Pakistan and Bangladesh, have experienced physical or sexual violence at home. Dowry-related violence and honor killings still occur routinely in South Asia. In conflict zones such as the borderlands of Myanmar, studies suggest that rape is used as a weapon of war.

Same actors, different conflicts

The sociologist Charles Tilly writes of “violent specialists”—people skilled in inflicting damage on others—in his classic study _The Politics of Collective Violence_. Tilly notes that violent specialists can exist both inside government (military, police, jailers) and outside government (militias, warlords, bandits, terrorists). Often, they collaborate in pursuit of shared goals—whether a pogrom targeting a hated ethnoreligious group, or the intimidation of a political rival in an election. This new book underscores the truth in what Tilly found: that violent specialists have fungible talents, forge alliances, and are involved in multiple forms of conflict.

Take Bangladesh, for example. The two major political parties that vie to form the government—the Awami League and the Bangladesh National Party—use state security forces to persecute their enemies when in power, and deploy their student wings in street violence when in opposition. Because political violence is rife, Bangladesh has a remarkable range and number of violent specialists whose skills are in demand. Similarly, in Indonesia, members of violent Sunni militant groups that joined in earlier episodes of communal violence, for example in Central Sulawesi, have crossed over to transnational terrorist activities.

While _The State of Conflict and Violence in Asia_ draws distinctions among forms of conflict, we should not overlook the fact that often the same individuals or organization may be responsible for violence. For a violent specialist, harming others is a transferable skill. _(Bryony Lau)_

Data gaps constrain the data gathering process

The State of Conflict and Violence in Asia required gathering and assessing existing data on nine forms of conflict and violence across 14 countries. This process revealed just how limited and inconsistent the existing data is on many types of violence in the region.

In some cases, statistics on violence are not systematically recorded. In Malaysia, for example, media reports showed that land conflict frequently led to major incidents of physical violence against local indigenous people. However, no comprehensive data on land conflict is recorded in the country, by either the government or civil society. In both Malaysia and India, there is no official data on electoral violence, meaning we had to depend on case by case news reports. Collecting data on gender-based violence was extremely challenging due to the existence of gender norms that prohibit reporting. In Bangladesh, a survey found that up to 72.7 percent of women did not disclose their experience of intimate partner violence to anyone. In some countries, data on violence against women is limited to reports by victims to civil society organizations. Although the GBV numbers documented in Bangladesh and elsewhere can give us a sense of impacts, the missing pieces affect the reliability of the GBV data.

Improving our understanding of the levels and impacts of violence in Asia requires better and more systematic data. _(Patthiya Tongfueng)_

National political leaders in Thailand don’t get killed

Drafting and reviewing country chapters in _The State of Conflict and Violence in Asia_ required me to delve into the political history of each country. Some interesting patterns and surprising facts came up. First, both assassination of political leaders and massacres of oppositions following coups have become rarer over time. Instead, judicial means have been more commonly employed to get rid of rivals.

Second, politically motivated assassinations and massacres have occurred more often in South Asia than in Southeast Asia. No presidents, prime ministers, or founding fathers have been killed in Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, or Timor-Leste.

Third, Thailand stands out. The country has experienced 12 military coups and frequent changes of government. Political divides have led to violent clashes and multiple deaths during mass protests, and Thailand is badly affected by separatism in the Deep South. Yet, unlike Bangladesh, India, or Sri Lanka, where political leaders were killed in coups or by extremists, separatists, or political rivals, no Thai prime minister or chair of an opposition political party has ever been assassinated. Furthermore, none has gone to jail. They either did not face legal charges or if facing them managed to escape for exile. Evidence shows that luck was involved in some cases but it appears that in many occasions this was a calculated strategy. Why Thailand differs so much from other countries requires further study. _(Sasiwan Chingchit)_

Widespread violence occurs in surprising places

What is Asia’s most violent capital city? If asked a year ago, without doubt I would have said Kabul. Yet preparing _The State of Conflict and Violence in Asia_ showed me I was wrong. The most violent cities in Asia in terms of deaths per capita, the standard measure of violence intensity, do not lie in Afghanistan or even Pakistan. Step forward Ulaanbaatar and Dili, capitals of Mongolia and Timor-Leste and both sites of high levels of violent crime. A person living in either city is almost 50 percent more likely to be killed by violence than a resident of Kabul.

There were other surprising findings when looking at the intensity of violence within conflict zones. More than 100,000 people have been killed in the war in Afghanistan since 2001. But because these deaths are spread across a country of 35 million people, intensity rates are actually lower than in some of Asia’s subnational conflict areas which receive far less attention from the international community and from the media. In Thailand’s Deep South, for example, there were 22.5 deaths per 100,000 people in 2007, more than double the per capita death rate in Afghanistan last year.

Afghanistan, devastated by four decades of war, certainly requires continuing policy attention. But working on the book highlighted again to me that the impacts of conflict and violence are also felt in many other areas of Asia. _(Patrick Barron)_

Contributors Adrian Morel, Bryony Lau, Patthiya Tongfueng, Sasiwan Chingchit, and Patrick Barron work on The Asia Foundation’s Conflict and Development team. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the authors and not those of The Asia Foundation or its funders.


Myanmar: The Contested Areas of Myanmar: Subnational Conflict, Aid, and Development

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

As Myanmar emerges from decades of authoritarianism and isolation, significant progress toward peace has been made since 2011. But heavy fighting and deadly clashes have intensified in many of the country’s contested areas, in particular Rakhine State, which has led to massive displacement, and Kachin and Shan States. These conflicts are among the world’s most enduring, posing significant challenges to national political reforms, economic growth, and human development, according to a study released yesterday by The Asia Foundation.

The year-long study, “The Contested Areas of Myanmar: Subnational Conflict, Aid, and Development,” comes at a pivotal moment amid longstanding conflicts in many parts of Myanmar, political dialogue to address the concerns of numerous ethnic groups, and a desire among international donors and aid agencies to support the peacebuilding process and the country’s political transition.

Findings from the study shed light on structural changes that are crucial for achieving sustainable and comprehensive peace in a country of great ethnic and cultural diversity. In addition, it reveals the intimate connections between subnational conflicts and national politics in Myanmar, instances where development interventions have contributed to uneven power dynamics and fueled armed resistance, and ways in which international aid can sometimes damage prospects for peace when initiatives are not sensitive to conflict. In this context, the study underscores a critical need to continue the ongoing political and economic reforms while building a system of government that is widely recognized as legitimate by people of all ethnic nationalities.

Below are some key findings from the study:

  • Myanmar’s subnational conflicts are not a peripheral issue and directly affect much of the country
    In 2016, areas affected by active or latent subnational conflict were found in at least 11 of Myanmar’s 14 states and regions. One hundred and eighteen of 330 townships, containing almost one-quarter of Myanmar’s population, currently demonstrate live or latent characteristics of conflict.

  • Myanmar’s conflicts are not caused by underdevelopment
    There is no simple correlation between human development, economic growth, and conflict in Myanmar, and subnational conflicts will not be resolved by measures to improve development outcomes. Conflict townships are on average only marginally less developed than non-conflict townships, particularly when Yangon is excluded. Some conflict townships exceed national averages, while others have the lowest development indicators in the country.

  • Tackling underdevelopment alone will not create peace
    Development interventions alone can never lead to peace. Myanmar’s conflicts are inherently political and connect to the structure of the state. Political solutions are, therefore, required to solve subnational conflict. Given the complex nature of Myanmar’s armed conflicts, interventions and policies should be strengthened to address the underlying drivers of conflict and be more responsive to the power inequities that have driven conflict over years, especially during transitional political periods.

  • Development policies can drive subnational conflict
    In many contested areas, economic changes and increased natural resource exploitation have ratcheted up tensions, engendered rivalries, fueled grievances, and provided funds that have sustained conflict. Foreign assistance can sometimes be manipulated to serve security objectives, particularly where government officials or leaders of ethnic armed organizations are able to decide project locations. In short, development interventions are never neutral.

  • Aid can build momentum for peace as well as damage the prospects for peace
    Projects that serve the security aims of one side can damage the confidence of ethnic groups in the country’s transition, while programs that support political reforms, such as decentralization, can help build momentum. $13.7 billion in aid was committed to new projects between 2011 and 2015. Closer alignment of donors with government offers advantages in coverage, cost effectiveness, and sustainability, but it also poses risks for peace.

Myanmar: Ethnic Conflict and Social Services in Myanmar’s Contested Regions

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

Executive Summary

With aid commitments on the rise, Myanmar has the potential to greatly strengthen the delivery of health, education, and other social services. However, while it is established practice for aid agencies to back state-led development strategies, this presents complications in some of Myanmar’s conflictaffected areas where ethnic armed organisations (EAOs) and associated networks have been the primary social service providers for decades.

At the same time, aid interventions in social sectors have significant potential to contribute to peacebuilding. In particular, coordination and collaboration efforts between state and EAO-linked service providers could improve the quality of service provision, while also supporting the war-topeace transition. These ‘convergence’ efforts demonstrate a key contribution to the peace process that could be enhanced by international aid actors through both peacebuilding and mainstream development funds.

Since the country’s foundation, Myanmar’s mostly non-Burman-populated border regions have been heavily contested, with the Burman-led state facing an extreme deficit in legitimacy. Ethnic conflicts have been fought primarily over claims to establish patron-client relations with non-Burman populations—meaning that the core drivers of conflict are related to armed actors’ roles in governance. As a result, the provision of social services in these areas is fraught with political complications, and attached closely to the competing nation-building agendas that shape subnational armed conflicts.

A fragile peace process is currently underway (mid-2014) that has shown limited but noteworthy potential to achieve a political settlement. Meanwhile, the country’s aid environment is being dramatically transformed as relations between donor countries and the Myanmar government are normalised.

In some conflict-affected areas, confidence in the peace process is being actively undermined by the conflict-insensitive expansion of government service delivery, as well as internationally implemented projects. At the same time, EAO-linked services face severe funding cuts as donor priorities shift.

Encouragingly though, ‘convergence’ efforts have led to collaboration towards a wide range of mutually-beneficial goals between state and EAO-linked service providers, demonstrating significant potential for peacebuilding. Tangible improvements in access to services that enhance relations between conflicting parties can build confidence in the peace process and address grievances among conflict-affected populations and EAOs. Improved relations can also contribute to the establishment of social sector institutions conducive to peace in the long-term.

This study explores the significance of collaboration between the state and EAOs to peacebuilding and provides broad guidance on how international aid agencies can direct social service spending to support peace in this way, and avoid further exacerbating conflicts.

Myanmar: Myanmar 2014 - Civic Knowledge and Values in a Changing Society

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Source: Government of Australia, The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

Executive summary

Myanmar is undergoing an extraordinary period of change. The transition from military rule to a quasi-civilian government since 2011 is exemplified by shifts from a closed economic system to one that is market-oriented, from an isolated country to one that is engaging actively in regional and global affairs, and from decades of conflict with multiple. ethnic armed groups to a push for a national ceasefire and political dialogue. Changes of this magnitude within such a compressed time frame are not easily accomplished, however, given the urgent need for updated knowledge and the lack of capacity in many sectors within government and society. as well as continuing distrust of the government's reform agenda among ctlmic armed groups and civil society organizations. After so many years of severely curtailed social, political, and economic development under military rule, many within society remain skeptical about whether cumin reforms can bring genuine, inclusive development and peace, or will be captured by crony capitalism and the old political order.

In this challenging context, 'the Asia Fotmdation carried out a nationwide survey in 2014 to document public knowledge and awareness of new government institutions and processes, and to gauge the political, social, and economic values held by people of diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds, which will inform the country's long-term development and the nature of state-society relations. Conducted during the months of May and June, the survey included face-to-face interviews with more than 3,000 respondents across all fourteen states and regions. States and regions are constitutionally equivalent in Myanmar, but they have different historical roots. States typically encompass the areas where a large number of ethnic communities live, while regions are where the ethnic Burman majority resides. The survey over-sampled in the states to ensure a better understanding of their views. It should be noted that, given the complex ethnic map of Myanmar, the views of the states as reported in the survey should not he taken as the views of the ethnic groups themselves.

The survey results show that in the early stages of Myanmar's transition to democracy, people are generally hopeful about the future, though that optimism is tempered by a number of challenges. People have very limited knowledge about the current structure and functions of various levels of government, particularly the subnational levels. They are most knowledgeable about the national government on the one hand, and the lowest levels of village and ward administration, with whom public interaction is highest, on the other. People express a strong preference for democracy in the abstract and a high level of expectation that voting will bring about positive change. but they possess a limited understanding of the principles and practices that underpin a democratic society. Democmcy is viewed as having provided new freedoms, but there is little association of democracy with rule by the people. Social trust is particularly low, and political disagreements are deeply polarizing. Gender values remain highly traditional, with hods men and women expressing a similarly strong view that men make better political and business leaders than women.

On the whole, people are positive about the current situation in the country, but there is a pervasive underlying uncertainty, with positive sentiment dropping among the stares. The tangible results of the reform process in delivering roads, schools, and economic growth are cited by respondents who believe that the country is going in the right direction, whereas ongoing conflicts, a bad economy or lack of development, and problematic governance and corruption are highlighted by those who are negative about the direction in which the country is heading. Economic performance figures prominently a s a public concern, serving as a key indicator for how well people feel the country is doing. In this regard, the economic values that people express bode well for the future if properly harnessed to drive inclusive growth as market-oriented reforms continue. People feel strongly that competition, individual effort, and hard work contribute to a better life, and that there is enough economic opportunity to benefit everyone. Nevertheless, the public continues to have a high expectation that the government will play a strong role in ensuring an equitable and inclusive society.

Myanmar: Supporting the transition: Understanding Aid to Myanmar Since 2011

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Japan, Myanmar

INTRODUCTION

Myanmar today is one of the world’s largest recipients of international development assistance, often referred to simply as “aid.” A history of underinvestment has left the country with the highest poverty rate in the region and critical deficits in infrastructure and social services, making it a priority for many development agencies. Myanmar was the seventh-largest recipient of international aid in 2015, and it is now the third-largest recipient per capita in the region—behind only Cambodia and Laos, which have far smaller populations. Expectations are for sustained, high engagement with the international community.

This reflects a significant change since the political and economic transition initiated by the Thein Sein government in 2011. Far from its current seventh, Myanmar was just the 79th-largest recipient of aid globally in 2010. Under the former military government, levels of assistance were both far lower and restricted primarily to health and humanitarian programs. Yet, since the start of the transition,
Myanmar has actively courted international support for its reforms, and international aid agencies have responded with significant debt forgiveness and new programs. This has brought about a significant proliferation and diversification of funding agencies in Myanmar, which now also fund a broader range of activities, with many of the largest donors prioritizing energy, transportation, and rural development. The mode of delivery has also changed: most new funding has been distributed through the government and financed with loans.

Following the inauguration of the NLD government in March 2016, it is time to take stock of aid to Myanmar and reflect on how policy has evolved.
Though the policies and programs governing this aid have developed significantly since 2011, much remains undetermined, with potential for significant positive reforms. Many large commitments from donors remain unprogrammed or unspent, and there are still important policy questions to be resolved in the country’s new aid-management architecture. This leaves significant opportunities to improve practice and to better leverage aid to support the country’s development aspirations.

The need for such reflection is particularly pressing because Myanmar presents a distinctly challenging environment for effective aid programming. Political and economic changes are occurring rapidly, creating competing priorities for international assistance. The country faces multiple distinct humanitarian crises—some from protracted conflict, others the result of periodic natural disasters—and an ongoing peace process. The country’s complex security situation poses significant challenges, with many nonstate armed groups active across the country, and ongoing violence in Kachin State and northern Shan State.

There are also challenges in coordinating the large and diverse array of funding agencies in the country.

Providing meaningful assistance in this setting, while minimizing the risk of doing harm, is a stark challenge for aid actors.

In this context, it is also important to acknowledge the limited influence of aid, which is only a small component of overall development finance. The Myanmar government already raises considerable domestic revenue, and aid is small relative to the national budget—approximately 4 percent in 2015. In addition, remittances have approached levels similar to aid over the past several years, and since 2011 there has been almost twice as much foreign direct investment as aid. Trade has also expanded significantly since the country’s political and economic transition began. In this environment, the task for aid policymakers is to identify the unique contribution that this funding can make—which often derives from its flexibility and ability to leverage global expertise—and to ensure it best complements the other factors driving development in the country.

To support reflection on aid programming, this report provides an introduction to aid in Myanmar, including historical grounding, some novel quantitative data on donors’ current priorities, and analysis of several particularly vexing policy areas.

Recognizing the unique challenges of delivering aid where there is limited experience of international development cooperation, the report places a special emphasis on clearly defining key terms and explaining the policy frameworks that have guided the international community’s engagement with Myanmar. The first chapter focuses on the history of aid to Myanmar. The second, on the analysis of key trends in current assistance. The third chapter discusses several of the priority policy questions for development cooperation in Myanmar moving forward. An annex containing key definitions provides more detail on useful terminology.

Data collection for this report took place between June 2016 to July 2017. The report draws on interviews, secondary sources, and quantitative analysis, including an independent quantitative dataset on donors’ programs in Myanmar in November 2016. Over 40 interviews were conducted in Yangon between June 2016 and June 2017 to better understand donor priorities in Myanmar. For the quantitative data, a survey was conducted to establish a rigorous accounting of donor programs in Myanmar. Based on prior estimates of international assistance, a list of 25 target donors was created, of which 21 ultimately provided data. This was collected in alignment with the standards used for the Aid Information Management System in Myanmar.

Further data on aid was drawn from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s Creditor Reporting System Aid Activity Database, and the Myanmar Information Management Unit’s Who, What, Where dataset.

Myanmar: Promoting Women’s Empowerment in Myanmar

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

Women have a critical role to play in the development of Myanmar, but they face a broad range of challenges including low skills, limited employment opportunities, and inadequate representation and participation in governance. In response, The Asia Foundation is committed to gender equality in its program in Myanmar and works with the government, civil society organizations, business associations, media, and international development partners to support women to maximize their full potential.

World: Asia Foundation’s Kathmandu Conference Examines Asian Approaches to Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Afghanistan, Indonesia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, World

Kathmandu, May 23, 2018 — Protracted conflicts in Asia have negatively impacted development and growth, nationally and regionally. Local conflicts, associated with land and natural resources, along with urban crime, are on the rise as Asian countries develop and urbanize. In response to the need to support peacebuilding efforts, The Asia Foundation, Korea Development Institute (KDI), and KDI School of Public Policy and Management hosted the 18th meeting of the Asian Approaches to Development Cooperation (AADC) dialogue series in Kathmandu, Nepal on May 9-10 to examine South-South and development cooperation approaches to addressing conflict challenges in Asia.

Participants at the Kathmandu conference from Korea, China, Japan, India, Nepal, Indonesia, Myanmar, Philippines, Afghanistan, Pakistan, ASEAN-IPR, DFAT, and UNOSSC shared perspectives and approaches from the public and private sectors in support of peacebuilding in Asia. The AADC dialogue is an ongoing series which addresses how Asian countries’ engagement in development and South-South cooperation is changing the global aid landscape and the development prospects for the region.

Half of the countries in South and Southeast Asia have experienced subnational conflicts in recent decades. Many countries also face challenges managing tensions between diverse ethnic and religious communities. The State of Conflict and Violence in Asia report, recently released by The Asia Foundation, identifies the critical need to support country-to-country learning within Asia on what has worked when it comes to peacebuilding. South–South cooperation’s emphasis on sharing a country’s own relevant experience holds significant potential for supporting peacebuilding efforts in partner countries.

Highlights of the 18th AADC meeting included a discussion of Pakistan’s approach to peace building in neighboring Afghanistan; how conflicts along China’s belt and road initiative may affect its implementation; how Indonesia’s experience of domestic peacebuilding in Aceh has informed it’s knowledge sharing with other countries, how neighboring country border regulations help or hinder peace efforts in Myanmar; and the role multilateral efforts play in peacebuilding and conflict prevention in Asia. The meeting also included a site visit to the Banepa Municipality, to learn about how community mediation is addressing local disputes over land and resources, which have escalated as a result of the 2015 earthquake.

In previous years, AADC conferences have focused on the changing aid landscape, rising inequality and pro-poor growth, climate change mitigation and adaptation, social mobility, advancing South-South cooperation, the role of NGOs and the private sector, planned urbanization, and women and girls’ empowerment.

The Asia Foundation is a nonprofit international development organization committed to improving lives across a dynamic and developing Asia. Informed by six decades of experience and deep local expertise, our work across the region addresses five overarching goals—strengthen governance, empower women, expand economic opportunity, increase environmental resilience, and promote regional cooperation.

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Myanmar: Ethnic Armed Actors and Justice Provision in Myanmar [EN/MY]

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

As a result of decades of ongoing civil war, large areas of Myanmar remain outside government rule, or are subject to mixed control and governance by the government and an array of ethnic armed actors (EAAs). These included ethnic armed organizations, with ceasefires or in conflict with the state, as well as state-backed ethnic paramilitary organizations, such as the Border Guard Forces and People’s Militia Forces. Despite this complexity, order has been created in these areas, in large part through customary justice mechanisms at the community level, and as a result of justice systems administered by EAAs. Though the rule of law and the workings of Myanmar’s justice system are receiving increasing attention, the role and structure of EAA justice systems and village justice remain little known and therefore, poorly understood. As such, The Asia Foundation is pleased to present this research on justice provision and ethnic armed actors in Myanmar.


Myanmar: Ceasefires, Governance, and Development: The Karen National Union in Times of Change [EN/MY]

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

The Asia Foundation is pleased to present this report, which examines the governance dynamics in southeastern Myanmar around the 67-year-old conflict between the Karen National Union (KNU) and the Myanmar state. Ceasefires and political change over time have enabled the state to expand its presence in areas where previously only the military had operated, but at the same time, the KNU has also gained much greater freedom to interact with communities in areas of contested authority. The emergence of a quasi-civilian government in recent years has generated intense public discourse on the country’s nascent democratic transition and the need to resolve longstanding ethnic conflicts. In this evolving context, new opportunities for peacebuilding are emerging but also potentially new risks which need to be better understood given that the KNU is likely to continue to be an important governance actor for some time to come.

Myanmar: The Asia Foundation’s Let’s Read Initiative Builds Reading Opportunities for Children in Myanmar

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Source: The Asia Foundation
Country: Myanmar

Yangon, September 2, 2019 — The Asia Foundation, Myanmar’s Ministry of Information, the Myanmar Library Association, and local children’s book publisher Third Story Project came together today to announce the launch of Let’s Read in Myanmar. Let’s Read is the Foundation’s collaborative approach to overcoming children’s book scarcity in Asia. Already present in nine countries in the region, Let’s Read will build upon The Asia Foundation’s vast network of partners in Myanmar to foster publishing ecosystems and inspire reading habits that help children, families, and communities thrive.

There is high demand for reading materials in Myanmar but only four percent of the nation’s 53 million children have books in their home. Storybooks have the power to provide each of these children with opportunities to thrive in their ever-evolving environment. The Asia Foundation’s free digital library offers books in 24 languages including Myanmar, Rakhine, Chin, and Kachin with plans to add additional titles and languages as the project grows.

A child’s passion for reading better predicts their academic success than their family’s socioeconomic status. To experience the full benefits of reading, children need books that reflect their own lives and books that introduce them to the world. Let’s Read Myanmar is committed to building a robust library of local language books through local publishing and translation to ensure that children have books that will act as both mirrors and windows and enable them to benefit from The Book Effect.

Today, the Let’s Read Myanmar collection includes brand new stories written and illustrated by book creators in Myanmar that celebrate diversity and inclusion. The collection also includes Girl Power in Myanmar, illustrated by local artists, telling the stories of brave and influential women throughout the history of the nation. With support from the Myanmar Library Association and their volunteer networks, children can enjoy books created by Let’s Read communities across Asia translated into Myanmar language.

Over the next six months, The Asia Foundation will continue to collaborate with the Myanmar Library Association and other partners to introduce Let’s Read to libraries across the country, host editor and writer workshops to help develop local book creators’ capacity, and host two more translation events with local volunteers to adapt stories from the Let’s Read library into local languages.

Let’s Read builds a world where curious and educated readers create thriving societies. We bring together the talent of local partners and the power of technology to create and translate relatable children’s books while nurturing reading habits that enable children to reach important developmental milestones, families to share stories that affirm their culture, and communities to benefit from the contributions of all their members.

The Asia Foundation is a nonprofit international development organization committed to improving lives across a dynamic and developing Asia. Informed by six decades of experience and deep local expertise, our work across the region addresses five overarching goals—strengthen governance, empower women, expand economic opportunity, increase environmental resilience, and promote regional cooperation.

Read more about the Foundation’s work.

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